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Malian special forces listen to instructions from a US Special Forces soldier on counter-ambush tactics in Kita, Mali, during a joint trai...
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| Malian special forces listen to instructions from a US Special Forces soldier on counter-ambush tactics in Kita, Mali, during a joint training exercise, May 2010. (AP Photo / Alfred de Montesquiou) |
About 13 countries with a known presence in Africa, the United States (US) and France have the most troops on the continent. According to the French Ministry of Defence, France has an estimated 7 550 military personnel spread across the continent in various military operations and missions (excluding UN operations). The US has a higher number spread across 34 known outposts across the Northern, Western and Horn regions of Africa. The Horn of Africa has become the epicentre of this presence, with about 11 foreign military bases.
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| Secret US Military Documents Reveal a Constellation of American Military Bases Across Africa. Image: INSTITUTE FOR SECURITY STUDIES (ISS). |
Africa is host to a rising number of foreign military operations and bases
Foreign military presence in Africa is also driven by AU member states leasing their territories to foreign powers for military bases, mainly for domestic economic gain. This is also sometimes driven by member states seeking external help in dealing with serious security challenges. Djibouti generates more than US$300 million annually from the foreign military presence on its soil. Other AU member states, such as former French colonies, have been hosting French military bases as a result of bilateral military agreements signed after independence. Ensuring regime security for the incumbent government and securing French economic interests in the host country and the region are the principal motives for such arrangements.
Arguably, successful US drone attacks in Somalia have helped reduce al-Shabaab’s spoiler capacity in efforts towards peace. Similarly, French troops have contributed significantly in building the capacity of national armies in the Sahel and driving out jihadists from northern Mali. However there is also a downside to this foreign military presence. First, the competition among the various foreign militaries to influence responses to challenges in Africa’s hotspots has led to a multiplicity of activities that overcrowd the security landscape, especially in the Sahel and the Horn of Africa. Examples are the emergence of ad hoc regional response structures such as the Joint Force of the Group of Five of the Sahel (G5 Sahel) and the Multinational Joint Task Force.
Rivalry between the US and China is playing out in Djibouti
Such regional responses emerge from the willingness of some African states to address certain security challenges outside the framework of the regional economic communities, with foreign military support. The G5 Sahel is considered by many as France’s exit strategy from the Sahel. Responses such as the G5 Sahel have lessened the urgency to operationalise regional security structures. The increasing presence of Asian powers in Djibouti points to another major risk. Following China’s expanding presence in the country, there are growing fears in Japanese and Indian circles regarding Chinese influence in the Indian Ocean. The result is expansion of Japanese influence in Djibouti.
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| U.S. Army Gen. Stephen Townsend, commander of U.S. Africa Command, meets with U.S. forces in Somalia on Nov. 5 to assess progress in Somalia, training of Somali forces and to recognize U.S. troops for their role in successfully defeating 15 al-Shabaab fighters who sought to penetrate a Somali forward operating base on Sept. 30. (Col. Chris Karns/Army) |
The US military justifies its presence in Africa with its need to protect its interests
Apart from the risks associated with foreign military presence and the AU’s call for member states to be circumspect in their dealings, there is also no established continental consensus on the modalities for regulating bilateral initiatives that result in bases being established. The AU’s request for circumspection on the part of member states is necessary to inform urgent continental action against the increasing number of military bases. Apart from the highlighted risks, the need for urgency stems from the self-justifying nature of foreign military presence, in the long term. The US, for example, has numerous military outposts in Africa from where it conducts drone operations, training, military exercises, direct action and humanitarian activities.
The associated infrastructure, support systems and military personnel for these operations have amounted to significant American interest in Africa. The US military justifies its presence in Africa with its need to protect those interests, despite the risks to host countries. Such reinforcement won’t allow for any significant downscaling of military presence in the near future, regardless of the gains made in fighting terrorism. Owing to the sensitive nature of the situation and the extensive presence of certain powers already on the continent, discussions about the future of foreign military presence require objectivity – not just for African member states but for all actors who either have significant presence on the continent or are currently scrambling for one.
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